Six bills, five tests, one honest comparison.
There are at least six active bills in the 119th Congress claiming to ban congressional stock trading. Two of them would actually do it. One has been marked up. None has reached a floor vote. Here is the scorecard, bill by bill, on the five tests that decide whether a reform is real.
86%
of registered voters support a ban on individual stock trading by members of Congress (UMD Public Consultation)
8-7
Senate committee vote that advanced the HONEST Act on July 30, 2025. One Republican (Hawley) joined every Democrat.
82 of 218
signatures on the House discharge petition to force a floor vote on H.R. 1908. Stalled.
$200
current STOCK Act fine for late filings. Often waived. The reason every bill on this page exists.
The five tests
Every active bill claims to ban congressional stock trading. The interesting question is whether the bill text actually does what the press release says. These five tests separate a real reform from a campaign prop.
Test 1
Coverage
Members yes, that is the easy part. Does the bill cover spouses, dependent children, the President, the Vice President, senior staff, the Federal Reserve, the Supreme Court? Most bills cover only the easy ones.
Test 2
Mechanism
Full divestment of individual securities, or a qualified blind trust (QBT)? Reform groups now consider QBT-only bills a loophole. The strongest bills disallow QBTs entirely.
Test 3
Timeline
90 days, 180 days, or "next term"? Generous timelines (especially "current term") let incumbents trade for years before the rule binds them.
Test 4
Penalty
A $200 fine, often waived, is the current standard. The strongest bills levy 10% of asset value plus full disgorgement of any profit. The weakest leave fines symbolic.
Test 5
Viability
A perfect bill that never moves is no reform. A weak bill that passes still bites. Realistic assessment of where each bill actually sits in the legislative calendar.
The scorecard
Six active bills graded on the five tests. Green means passes, yellow means partial, red means fails.
| Bill | Coverage | Mechanism | Timeline | Penalty | Viability |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
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HONEST Act S. 1498 (Hawley) |
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Restore Trust in Congress Act H.R. 5106 (Roy / Magaziner) |
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ETHICS Act H.R. 4890 (Krishnamoorthi / Cloud) |
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TRUST in Congress Act H.R. 396 (Magaziner) |
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Stop Insider Trading Act H.R. 7008 (Steil, GOP leadership) |
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End Congressional Stock Trading Act H.R. 1908 (Luna, discharge target) |
Hover any cell for the specific reasoning behind the grade. Status as of May 2026.
The HONEST Act (formerly the PELOSI Act)
Sen. Josh Hawley reintroduced his Preventing Elected Leaders from Owning Securities and Investments Act on April 28, 2025. The original PELOSI Act name was retired in committee through a Hawley substitute amendment that broadened scope and renamed the bill the Halting Ownership and Non-Ethical Stock Transactions (HONEST) Act. Sen. Gary Peters became co-lead. On July 30, 2025, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee reported it out 8-7. Hawley was the only Republican to vote yes. Every committee Democrat joined him.
The bill requires outright divestment of individual stocks, commodities, futures, options, cryptocurrencies, and corporate bonds. Diversified mutual funds, ETFs, and U.S. Treasuries remain allowed. The bill's most distinctive feature is that it explicitly disallows the use of qualified blind trusts as a workaround for covered instruments. Hawley's text rejects the idea that members can hide individual equity positions behind a trustee.
Coverage extends to the President, the Vice President, members of Congress, and their spouses and dependent children. Senior staff, the Federal Reserve, and the Supreme Court are not covered. The penalty design is the strongest of any active bill: a civil penalty equal to 10% of the value of each instrument not divested, per period of violation, plus mandatory disgorgement of any profit on a violating transaction to the U.S. Treasury.
Trump initially expressed qualified support and reversed within hours, attacking Hawley personally on Truth Social. Republican senators not on the committee called the bill "poorly written" (Rand Paul), "obnoxious" (Ron Johnson), and "not ready for prime time" (James Lankford). Senate Majority Leader John Thune told Roll Call: "I doubt we put anything on the floor that just had one Republican on it." Hawley would need at least three more committee Republicans on board to flip Thune's calculus, and as of May 2026 he has none. Pelosi herself issued a statement endorsing the renamed bill: "If legislation is advanced to help restore trust in government and ensure that those in power are held to the highest ethical standards, then I am proud to support it, no matter what they decide to name it."
The Restore Trust in Congress Act
Reps. Chip Roy (R-TX) and Seth Magaziner (D-RI) introduced the Restore Trust in Congress Act on September 3, 2025, with a bipartisan working group of 16 original co-sponsors equally split between the parties. By early 2026 the bill had 130 cosponsors (99 Democrats, 31 Republicans), the largest coalition behind any active stock-trading-ban proposal. The Senate companion, S. 3649, was introduced on January 15, 2026, by Sens. Ashley Moody (R-FL) and Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY).
Mechanism: full divestment of individual stocks, securities, commodities, and futures. Diversified funds and certain personal-use commodities are allowed. No qualified blind trust carve-out. Sitting members have 180 days from enactment to comply. Newly elected members have 90 days from taking office. The timeline is the tightest of any bill on this list.
Coverage: members, spouses, dependent children, and trustees acting on their behalf. The bill deliberately does not cover the President, Vice President, executive branch, Federal Reserve, or Supreme Court. The omission was a Republican condition for the bipartisan coalition, and the Senate companion makes it explicit by exempting POTUS and VP. Senate Democrats criticized the omission. Magaziner has defended it as the price of moving any bill at all in a Republican-controlled chamber.
The political story is the bill's main weakness. Despite the coalition size, the House Administration Committee bypassed Roy/Magaziner in favor of the narrower Steil bill at its January 14, 2026 markup. Roll Call reported in March 2026 that the bipartisan working group's "united front began to crumble" as midterms approached. Magaziner on the substitution: "The only reason they agreed to this watered-down version is because they thought that Mike Johnson would accept it, and now the fact that Johnson is waffling even on that says a lot more about Mike Johnson."
The ETHICS Act
The Ending Trading and Holdings in Congressional Stocks Act, introduced August 2025 by Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL) and Michael Cloud (R-TX), is the House twin of the framework Sens. Merkley, Gillibrand, and others negotiated into the HONEST Act on the Senate side. Campaign Legal Center and the Project on Government Oversight have publicly identified this framework as the strongest of the active bills.
Coverage: members, spouses, dependent children, the President, and the Vice President. No staff, no SCOTUS, no Fed. Mechanism: outright divestment of all covered investments. Diversified mutual funds, ETFs, and Treasuries remain allowed. No QBT carve-out.
The penalty structure is the cleanest of any bill on this list. Civil penalty equal to a member's monthly salary or 10% of the asset's value, whichever is greater, plus full disgorgement of profits. Repeat violators face escalating penalties. Campaign Legal Center cited this design specifically when calling on Congress to pass it: "monthly salary, or 10% of the value of the covered asset, whichever is greater."
The bill's problem is Tier 5 viability. H.R. 4890 was referred to House Administration and Judiciary in August 2025 and has not received committee action. Its substantive policy now lives in the Senate's HONEST Act, which has cleared committee but cannot reach a floor vote without more Republican support. The House version is functional dead text. The framework is alive but only in the Senate.
The TRUST in Congress Act
The Transparent Representation Upholding Service and Trust in Congress Act was the original 2020-era proposal, introduced in the 119th Congress on January 14, 2025, with Rep. Magaziner as lead after Rep. Abigail Spanberger left the House to run for Virginia governor (she won). The bill mandates that members place investment assets into a qualified blind trust within 90 days of enactment or of taking office, with assets remaining in the trust until 180 days after the member's tenure ends.
The mechanism is the bill's problem. Reform groups including Campaign Legal Center now classify QBT-only bills as a loophole rather than a solution. Historical experience suggests blind trust arrangements have been gamed. Members can structure communications with trustees that preserve effective awareness of holdings. The HONEST Act and Restore Trust in Congress Act both reject the QBT mechanism in favor of outright divestment, citing exactly this concern.
As of May 2026 the bill is functionally dormant. The Magaziner-Roy bipartisan effort effectively absorbed its goals into the Restore Trust in Congress Act, which uses the divestment mechanism instead. H.R. 396 remains on the books as a placeholder; no committee action is expected. We cover the deeper problem with QBT-based reforms in our analysis of the spouse provision, which is the other loophole that QBT-only bills typically leave wide open.
The Stop Insider Trading Act (the leadership pick)
Rep. Bryan Steil (R-WI), chair of the House Administration Committee, introduced the Stop Insider Trading Act on January 12, 2026. Speaker Mike Johnson and House Republican leadership endorsed it. The committee marked it up two days later, on January 14, 2026, by a 7-4 party-line vote after rejecting six Democratic amendments (including ones to add the President and Vice President, prohibit purchases more broadly, and require divestment of existing holdings). The Senate companion, S. 4134 by Sen. Pete Ricketts, has not been scheduled.
The bill is the leadership response to the November 2025 House Administration hearing and the February 2026 CNN investigation. Its language is narrow by design. The bill prohibits members, spouses, and dependent children from purchasing new individual stocks. It does not require divestment. Existing holdings are grandfathered indefinitely. Members may continue to sell positions provided they file public notice 7-14 days in advance. Dividend reinvestment is permitted, including into new stock positions.
The structural problem, flagged sharply by Campaign Legal Center in a January 30, 2026 fact sheet, is that the bill leaves the most-cited insider-trading concern of the past decade entirely intact. Members who sold healthcare stocks before pandemic disclosures, or sold defense stocks before contract cancellations, would not have violated the Stop Insider Trading Act. CLC: the bill "would allow the same kind of suspicious sales that generated the current push for reform" and "codifies a glaring loophole for the continued purchase of stocks by spouses and dependent children on behalf of another person."
Penalty design is, in isolation, reasonable: a fine of $2,000 or 10% of the transaction value (whichever is higher) for prohibited purchases, plus disgorgement. The penalty bites the wrong action. Buying is not the lawmaker behavior that generates most of the headlines. Selling on policy information is. Steil's bill leaves the latter untouched. The promised Q1 2026 floor vote slid past March 31, 2026, with no rescheduled date as of this writing.
The End Congressional Stock Trading Act and the discharge gambit
H.R. 1908, introduced March 6, 2025, is the bill named in House Resolutions 665 and 725, the discharge petition vehicles filed by Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL) to bypass committee leadership and force a floor vote. The petition needs 218 signatures. As of late March 2026 it had 82, including 15 Republicans and 59 Democrats, with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Republican Conference Chair Elise Stefanik among them.
The bill's text would prohibit ownership and trading of individual stocks by members of Congress, their spouses, and dependent children. It is structurally similar to the Restore Trust in Congress Act on coverage and mechanism. The reason it sits in the discharge column rather than the markup column is procedural: GOP leadership had already telegraphed the Steil bill as their preferred vehicle, leaving Luna and her cosigners no committee path forward.
Luna's recent quote captures the procedural reality: "The Senate is absolutely, just totally incompetent, so it's not up to the Senate. It's up to, really, the White House in championing it." With Trump publicly opposing the HONEST Act and the White House silent on every other bill on this list, a successful discharge would require approximately 136 additional signatures, almost certainly conditional on a fresh scandal of greater magnitude than the February 2026 CNN investigation. The base rate for successful discharge petitions in modern House history is extremely low.
What every bill leaves out
Even the strongest bills on this list address a fraction of the actual surface area of conflicted government trading. Five categories sit outside every active proposal.
Senior congressional staff
Committee staff, leadership staff, and senior personal aides routinely have access to the same nonpublic legislative information members do. No active bill covers them.
The Federal Reserve
After the 2022 Fed-trading scandal, Chair Powell imposed internal restrictions. No statute imposes external limits on Fed governors or regional bank presidents. Every bill on this list stops at the legislative branch.
The Supreme Court and federal judges
Justices and judges trade individual stocks under far weaker disclosure than Congress. The Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal and Transparency Act is a separate, parallel effort that has been blocked by Senate Republicans. None of the bills on this page touch the judiciary.
The broader executive branch
Cabinet officials, deputy secretaries, special government employees, and agency heads. The HONEST Act's coverage of the President and Vice President is the most expansive on this list and stops at the Vice President.
Options and prediction markets
The HONEST and ETHICS frameworks include options explicitly. The Steil bill does not. The Senate passed a separate prediction-market ban by unanimous consent on April 30, 2026, indicating that Polymarket and Kalshi-era trading was not contemplated by bills written earlier in the cycle.
Criminal enforcement
Self-policing by chamber ethics committees has historically produced waivable $200 fines. Only a few bills route serious violations to DOJ or SEC. None creates new criminal penalties. As our review of post-STOCK Act prosecutions shows, the law's only criminal conviction in 14 years has come through an unrelated SEC insider-trading statute.
What actually passes by year-end 2026
The honest answer is probably nothing meaningful. The 86% public-support number has been politically inert for years because the median member of Congress, in both parties, would prefer the status quo to any bill on this scorecard, and leadership in both chambers has the procedural tools to ensure that preference holds.
Three plausible scenarios for the rest of 2026, in order of probability:
Most likely (roughly 55%)
House passes the Steil bill (H.R. 7008) in summer or fall as midterm cover. It clears with most Republicans plus a handful of Democrats and dies in the Senate, where Thune neither schedules it nor the HONEST Act. Both parties campaign on the issue. Nothing becomes law.
Plausible (roughly 30%)
Nothing moves at all. Leadership in both chambers slow-walks every bill past midterms. The issue gets recycled into the 120th Congress in 2027 with the cosponsor count reset to zero.
Long shot (roughly 15%)
A fresh scandal of greater magnitude than the February 2026 CNN investigation cracks the discharge petition. The most likely scandal trigger is another policy-driven trading episode like Tariff Day 2025. The petition reaches 218, the floor vote happens, and the Senate is forced to respond.
The HONEST Act has the cleanest path of any bill to a Senate floor vote, but Thune's stated criterion (more than one Republican on it) is not currently met. Hawley would need to recruit at least three more Republican senators willing to break with leadership. None has signaled interest. The Restore Trust in Congress Act has the largest coalition but no committee path. The ETHICS Act is policy text with no political vehicle. The Steil bill is a political vehicle with weak policy. The discharge petition is a procedural Hail Mary.
The structural problem under all of this: trading on the inside of the legislative process is, by every available estimate, profitable. Reform threatens that revenue stream. Until something forces members to choose between their seat and their portfolio, the median outcome is exactly what we have observed for fourteen years since the original STOCK Act was signed: high public support, strong rhetoric, weak text, and no enforcement. The full set of gaps in that original law is covered in our analysis of nine specific STOCK Act loopholes.
Frequently asked questions
By the five-test rubric, the HONEST Act (S. 1498) and the ETHICS Act (H.R. 4890) tie for the strongest text: same penalty design, same divestment mechanism, both cover the President and Vice President. The HONEST Act is the only one of the two that has cleared committee. Reform groups including Campaign Legal Center and Project on Government Oversight publicly endorse this framework over the alternatives.
They are the same bill at different stages. Sen. Hawley reintroduced his text as the PELOSI Act on April 28, 2025. In committee on July 30, 2025, a Hawley substitute amendment broadened the bill (most notably by adding the President and Vice President), and the bill was renamed the HONEST Act. The current Senate vehicle is S. 1498, the HONEST Act. The PELOSI Act name is now retired, though some news coverage continues to use it.
A qualified blind trust requires a court-approved trustee and bars communication between the member and the trustee about specific holdings. In practice, members can structure setup conversations and asset funding to preserve effective awareness, and historical experience suggests few in Congress have actually used the mechanism well. The HONEST Act and the Restore Trust in Congress Act both reject QBT carve-outs and require outright divestment instead. The TRUST in Congress Act (H.R. 396) relies on QBTs and is the bill reform groups now flag as the weakest mechanism among bills with serious coverage.
A discharge petition needs 218 signatures to force a floor vote. As of late March 2026 the petition for H.R. 1908 had 82 signatures (15 Republicans, 59 Democrats, including the leaders of both parties' minority and majority conferences). It needs roughly 136 more signatures. House discharge petitions historically succeed at extremely low rates. Most members in the majority party are reluctant to sign one, even on popular legislation, because doing so embarrasses their own leadership. Without a fresh scandal larger than the February 2026 CNN investigation, the petition is likely to remain stalled.
No. None of the active bills covers the Federal Reserve, regional Fed bank presidents, the Supreme Court, federal judges, cabinet officials, or senior congressional staff. The HONEST Act and the ETHICS Act are the only bills that include the President and the Vice President. SCOTUS reform is a separate parallel effort (the Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal and Transparency Act) that has been blocked by Senate Republicans. The Federal Reserve operates under internal restrictions imposed by Chair Powell after the 2022 trading scandal but is not covered by any bill on this scorecard.
Periodic Transaction Reports for members of Congress, their spouses, and their dependent children are filed publicly within 45 days of each trade. Reading a PTR correctly requires understanding the owner-code, amount-bracket, and transaction-type fields. The institutional portals do not surface the patterns that make a trade actually noteworthy: committee assignment, legislative timing, options versus stock, and household-level structure. Kapitol.ai parses each new filing within minutes of upload, annotates the relevant member's committee assignments, and flags trades whose timing aligns with policy events. Until reform bites, that is what curated coverage of the existing system looks like.
Until a bill passes, the disclosures are what we have. Read them with context.
Every Congress trade we publish carries committee context, legislative timing, and a household-level view that flags spousal and joint trades distinctly. Curated intelligence, not a data dump.